"Fascism should more appropriately be called Corporatism because it is a merger of state and corporate power."
―Benito Mussolini
From a political science standpoint, "Fascism" is a political system representing the integration of socialism with corporatism and the administrative state. The term NAZI is an abbreviated acronym for the German term "Nationalsozialismus". A case can be made that German "Democratic Socialism" of the present is, to a significant extent, a softer and more palatable version of "Nationalsozialismus" shorn of the anti-semitic component. Likewise, the WEF/Klaus Schwab logic of "stakeholder capitalism" originates in aspects of the political thought underpinning historic German National Socialism.
In his 1923 pamphlet "The Doctrine of Fascism," Benito Mussolini wrote "If classical liberalism spells individualism, Fascism spells government." Mussolini's Fascism was not about individual freedom or laissez-faire economics but rather about the state's control over the economy and society, with corporations playing a key role. Precisely the political structure being so actively endorsed, promoted and defended by today's European Parliament "mainstream" members, the European Council and its leadership, the socialist leadership of the United Nations, and the UN partner organization the World Economic Forum and its leadership. Those without sin should cast the first stone, and those who live in glass houses should avoid stoning altogether.
In other words, if we objectively apply political science definitions and historical precedents, the current modern left-wing socialist politics prevalent in the European Union, European Council, and the majority of European NATO-allied nations are closer to the European Fascist parties of the 1920s and 1930s than are the center-right populist movements currently sweeping across Europe, North America, Australia, and Argentina. To a significant extent, the political and economic logic underpinning this left-wing Euro-logic is also grounded in the "Communist" theories of Karl Marx and his disciples.
And yet these center-right parties and their leaders are repeatedly labeled Fascist. From the standpoint of objective analysis of logical fallacies, at best, this is an Ad Hominem. Given the history and current policies of Euro-socialists today, they also appear to represent psychological projection.
In psychology, projection is a defense mechanism where an individual unconsciously attributes their own unacceptable thoughts, feelings, or behaviors to someone else. This process helps the individual cope with internal stress and avoid confronting their own traits or emotions that are difficult to acknowledge. For example, if someone feels jealous but accuses their partner of being jealous, they are projecting their own feelings. Another example is when someone is a fan of socialist-corporatism ("democratic socialism") but accuses others of being Fascist (the definition of "Fascism" being socialistic corporatism).
Nazism and Communism imagine themselves as exact opposites. They are at each other's throats wherever they exist all over the world. They actually breed each other; for the reaction against Communism is Nazism, and beneath Nazism or Fascism Communism stirs convulsively.
Yet they are similar in all essentials. First of all, their simplicity is remarkable. You leave out God and put in the Devil; you leave out love and put in hate; and everything thereafter works quite straightforwardly and logically.
They are, in fact, as alike as two peas. Tweedledum and Tweedledee are two quite distinctive personalities compared to these two rival religions.
Winston Churchill, essay, "The Infernal Twins." 1937
Corporate media, guided and harmonized to a significant extent by the BBC-led "Trusted News Initiative," repeatedly labels these center-right populist movements and their leaders as "Far-Right," "Neo-Nazi," "Neo-Fascist" or just plain Fascist. Frequently trotted out in the run-up to elections, this trope has been deployed by left-wing governments, corporate media, and their allies so often that it is losing its potency to polarize electorates and dissuade voters.
Socialist-leaning left-wing politicians and reporters who routinely deploy accusations of Fascism reveal the weakness and failure of their political philosophy and ideas. Borrowing from the jargon of US Football, this is akin to a desperate 'Hail Mary" pass. But this tactic is much more than that. It is bullying, and it is projection.
Robert Malone: Press Conference comments at the European Parliament following the second "Make Europe Great Again" conference January 28-29, 2025, in Brussels, Belgium. Session #1 was titled "Defending Western Values in the European Parliament", session #2 was titled "True Fundamental Values and their Role in Reshaping Europe's Future."
For example, this corporate media trope involving accusations of "NAZI," "Far-Right" or "Fascist" continues to be deployed against Georgia Meloni and her "Brothers of Italy" party, despite her explicit rejection of fascist political philosophy.
Italy's Meloni tells her party there is no room for fascism in its ranks
ROME, July 2 (Reuters) - Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni told her Brothers of Italy party on Tuesday that it should expunge from its ranks anyone who idolises Italy's fascist past.
Her call came after an undercover media investigation last week released a video of members of her party's youth wing making fascist salutes and chanting "Sieg Heil".
In a letter to party leaders, Meloni said she was "angry and saddened" that their actions damaged the group's reputation.
"There is no room in Brothers of Italy for racism or antisemitism, nor is there space for those who are nostalgic for the totalitarian regimes of the 20th century or for any manifestation of foolish folklore," she wrote.
"Our task is too great for those who have not understood its scope to be allowed to ruin it."
Similarly, the self-described anarchocapitalist Austrian School economist President of Argentina, Javier Milei, who appears to be saving the economy of that nation by applying anarchocapitalistic solutions, has been repeatedly labeled a NAZI by Western corporate media, particularly before his election as President.
In today's Germany, the center-right populist political party known by the acronym AFD (Alliance for Germany or Deutschland) is frequently accused of being far-right NAZIs. Flying a German flag, expressing national pride, or celebrating nationalism is also considered "far right". Meanwhile the Eurosocialist left swears forever support and virtual fealty to the current government of Ukraine, which incorporates a significant contingent of true, self-professed neo-Nazis.
Western corporate media concept of the political spectrum
And then there is France's Marie Le Pen and the "National Rally" party, Dutch politician Geert Wilders and his Party for Freedom, Nigel Farage and the British Reform UK party, and of course US President Donald Trump and MAGA.
All repeatedly and routinely labeled as Fascists or "Far Right" by worldwide Western corporate media and Wikipedia.
The truth is more closely aligned with the meme first generated by Colin Wright and made famous by Elon Musk:
We must stop allowing corporate media and the far left to demonize us as a way to keep our voices, thoughts and ideas from being heard and considered by others. These are the tactics of bullies, specifically those losing the battle in the marketplace of ideas.
The old, outdated socialist concepts associated with European-style "socialist democracy" and "stakeholder capitalism" have failed. Economically, Europe is falling further and further behind. The United States is being slowly strangled by the influx and infiltration of Marxist ideology - particularly the emphasis on DEI, Critical Race Theory, ESG, and rejection of merit-based hiring and promotion. We are following Europe down the failed and discredited road of socialism.
Its time to stop and look around. Take note of what is happening.
Globalism and its policies are failing. They are not the path forward, but rather the way forward is to emphasize equality of opportunity in health AND economics, not equality of outcomes.
Make America (and Europe) Great Again by returning to a commitment to excellence, merit, values, freedom of speech and thought, to innovation, and to constant, continuing renewal.
Organized and sponsored by the European Conservatives and Reformists Party.
Dr. Robert Malone (00:00):
Good heavens. It's a full room with standing room in the back. Thank you. So here we stand. I am honored to be invited here and the scope of my remarks will follow many that I made at the first Make Europe Great Again conference that was held in Bucharest in Romania. Clearly we've had a little bit of an earthquake. It wasn't clear whether Donald Trump would prevail in the recent American elections. Many of us had deep fears about election integrity and manipulation, and in particular the influence of hostile corporate media influencing decision-making by the American electorate. But the American electorate has proven resilient. They're increasingly resistant to the effects of the censorship, propaganda and psychological manipulation that have been deployed not only nationally, but globally. That we have all experienced, I'm speaking of we assuming that we all share a basic conservative orientation, an orientation that has been repeatedly labeled as far right and fascist.
(01:27):
I find this fascinating. When Giorgia Meloni was ascending, she was labeled repeatedly in the American press as a far right fascist, as the inheritor of Benito Mussolini's mantle. Then we've heard this deployed against the Alliance for Deutschland. We have heard it deployed against Geert Wilders. We have heard it deployed against Marie le Pen. We have heard it deployed against the MAGA movement in the United States repeatedly. This trope that we are far right fascists. But we are not far right fascists. We are center right. We are center right populists. We need to own that. Now, there's a problem historically with populism. Populism often is able to give voice to popular discontent and often is able to capture themes which are arising in a bottom up fashion. That's the nature of populism and to a significant extent, many of us that are here represent that trend towards recognizing that the current order is not meeting the needs of the general populace, and that's why we are seeing electoral success. But populism often does not translate into effective policy.
(02:51):
We're seeing electoral success all across the west, and most notably, everybody points to Donald Trump. Personally, I point to Javier Millier. Javier Millier has demonstrated that these fundamental principles that we all are toying with- some of us more committed than others- is a beacon. What he's done in Argentina cannot be denied. He has demonstrated that it's possible to transform a deeply compromised socialist economy in a matter of weeks, a year. What he's done with that economy is profound. Now, Javier Millier represents not fascism, but rather the Austrian School of Economics. Javier Millier is fundamentally an academic economist. The other day he was at CPAC (last year), lectured in Spanish and gave us a 45 minute course in the fundamentals of anarchocapitalist and Austrian school economics. I find it fascinating. He has become a politician, I think, of necessity, of frustration in seeing his own country decimated by decades of socialism, and the difference between where Argentina was at then and where Europe is at now is only a matter of time, in my opinion.
(04:29):
You're heading down the same road and unfortunately the United States was heading down that same road, that road of obedient genuflecting to the World Economic Forum, to this trade union of the thousand largest transnational companies in the world, which is allied with a profoundly socialist United Nations led by the former head of the Socialist International, the former head of the Portuguese Socialist Party in Europe. I find it fascinating in moving back and forth between Europe and the United States because Europe has a consensus around democratic socialism. For the most part, the German model of Democratic socialism as embodied in Klaus Schwab's stakeholder capitalism concept has kind of become the default position of many European politicians from my point of view, looking from across the pond, and that is failing. If you want an example of how that's failing, you only have to look at the German economy and the decimation of the powerhouse of German manufacturing.
(05:51):
What it demonstrates is the naivete behind the globalist socialist order, the Democratic socialist order, the stakeholder capitalism socialist order that has come to predominate in the European Union. It is deeply naive. Let's set aside whether or not anthropomorphic or human caused global warming is in fact the major global threat that Europe has come to a consensus on. We've just spoken about the rejection of that thesis by Donald Trump and the science underpinning that faulty logic has been enforced through a variety of censorship and propaganda techniques, but it's increasingly being questioned. Whether or not there actually is a global warming trend is something that is increasingly allowed to be discussed. But whether or not there is such and whether or not it's human caused, the medicine, the treatment, the policies behind that that have been advanced by this globalist consortium that we have all come to worship collectively, particularly in Europe is failing, and its ability to protect our peoples is failing, its ability to protect our economies is failing, and it's being exploited by our economic and political adversaries because it is fundamentally naive.
(07:35):
I mean, I just cannot stress enough the example of predatory capitalism exploiting the logic of the green deal to decimate German industry. I have watched this from afar and I'm stunned. The German economic automotive powerhouse is just being gutted like a fish, and it's being used as an opportunity by predatory capitalists, largely associated with the CCP, and I just can't understand how this intelligent, highly educated, northern European consortium has allowed this to happen. They've been so blind, they've been so caught up in their own ideology that they haven't seen the train coming until it's already hit 'em.
(08:42):
We need, in my opinion, and this was stressed earlier, somehow we need a forum for ongoing international cooperation among this rising populism of the center. We need to own that we are center right. We need to not apologize for that. We need to stop being on the defensive and allowing our political adversaries to weaponize language in their attacks, their assaults on us using these inflammatory words like fascism and far right; we can't tolerate that. We must hit back. We must reject that. We must assert that, in fact, what's happened is that the political spectrum, particularly in Europe, has shifted far too far to the left and we're just trying to return to normalcy. We're trying to shift the focus to traditional values, we're trying to return the West to the fundamental principles that in fact did make Europe great and the most important fundamental principles among them is diversity of thought, is diversity of communication, is freedom of speech and thought- there's been a concerted effort to deny freedom of speech and thought and it is obvious.
(10:16):
We've all experienced it, we've experienced it together, and the populace can see it, particularly the young people. That's the key message behind the youth vote backing AFD. That, I think, is also another key fact that we all have to recognize; AFD illustrates that we can win the youth and if we can win the youth, we will win the battle over the next decade or two decades. It's going to be a long march, but we can do it; we can come together. The history of populism, certainly in the United States and I think across the west, has been that the rise of these vague notions of discontent in a bottom up way don't get effectively translated into policy positions. Often these people that are coming up from below, this logic from below- as illustrated in the Make America healthy Again movement for example- involves people who are absolutist.
(11:25):
They often believe that you must hold their principles. If you don't espouse these particular principles that they believe in, then you're a traitor, then you're an infiltrator, then you're controlled opposition, this whole language. But the truth is that politics is compromise. They reject this compromise. They reject the thesis that it's necessary to accommodate in order to develop effective policy, and I think that's our big challenge. How do we take these populist concepts and translate them into effective, longstanding, sustainable policy positions that we can move forward? Because it's going to take a decade or two to get where we want to go.
(12:19):
At the core of MAGA, speaking as American who has been on the battle lines with people like Steve Bannon- who is at the core of the whole concept of Make America Great Again- which just like in Europe has been vilified as you have. We've been labeled as far right, neo-Nazis, et cetera, fascists. But fascism, as you know, is the merger of corporatism and socialism. We're not fascists. I reject that. We must be in their face. They're not correctly applying the language. They're weaponizing the language against us. At the core of MAGA is Austrian school economics. At the core of MAGA is Ron Paul, if you're not familiar with him, he's been saying a series of policy positions his entire professional life, and now we have the likes of Elon Musk and Donald Trump giving voice to those policy positions. I think Ron is as confused as anybody about this.
(13:22):
At the core of MAGA in the United States is also a strong desire to commit to family and Judeo-Christian values. We seek a return to normality, to stability, to core positions that are sustainable, that support the family, that support a centeredness in a core set of ethical principles. That's where MEGA is at. I don't know if that's what MEGA is, but I'm hearing voices here that are suggesting a desire to return to those same principles. They're tested through time. If you want to talk about what made Europe great, it was its commitment in large part to those principles as well as its commitment to the principle of subsidiarity, the idea of decentralization, the idea that individuals do have the right to make their own decisions even if they're wrong. This is the challenge if you think about a libertarian frame of reference, is you have to accommodate the fact that some people will make bad decisions, and that's okay. We don't have to enforce a top down solution on everybody.
(14:54):
With the lectures recently of Javier Miler and Donald Trump at the World Economic Forum, I suggest that we're turning a corner. We have entered, from American foreign policy standpoint, a post Kissinger era. Remember that Klaus Schwab's mentor was Henry Kissinger. We have been living under a world dominated by the logic of Henry Kissinger and his view of global politics, and we're now entering a period it appears where nationalism is no longer a sin. I was stunned when I was told by young people in Germany that to fly the German flag was considered a sign of being a neo-Nazi. That to have pride as a German, as a young German to have pride in your own country and your own culture was considered to be far right and disallowed, suppressed information, suppressed discussion, suppressed, censored, disallowed, suppressed by the state in a methodical fashion.
(16:10):
We're transitioning to a period where we can have an emphasis on being Romanian as a national identity. We can have Romanians championing Romania, we can have Germans championing Germany. We can have a world involving a cooperative Europe, more like what was originally envisioned with the European Union; reducing trade barriers, facilitating economic activity, harmonizing some ability to travel, but not this top down globalist solution where certain decisions are made here in Brussels by the European Council and Ursula von der Leyen and then imposed on the national legislatures across Europe. What's happening is a major transition. Now we're seeing fascinating initial decisions being made by Donald Trump.
The exiting of the World Health Organization, which I strongly support, which has been corrupted, which is clearly no longer respecting its original charter to be a neutral arbiter of global health. Something the WHO is needed and has always been needed. We've always needed some non-state actor to arbitrate between autonomous nation states in their healthcare decisions and in the event of a true pandemic, but the World Health Organization is way off the reservation.
(17:51):
They have forgotten that core charter and that core mission, and they have mission creep. They're extending their reach to all kinds of areas, or attempting to, particularly through the new Pandemic Treaty and the International Health Regulations. Donald Trump has said no, and now as somebody asked me the other day, well, isn't that just going to be rescinded by a Democratic president when he comes on board, he or she? It doesn't have to be the path. What can happen is that there is clearly a need for an international health organization of some kind, a neutral arbiter between sovereign nation states, but what we have an opportunity to do now if we see a wave of exiting the WHO throughout Europe and much of the West is for us to create a new world order in health. There's an opportunity for American and European leadership to re-envision a world health organization different from the WHO that stays focused on its core charter.
(19:12):
Now I'm going to run out of time. I've talked about the Green New Deal. I'd like to talk a little bit more about public health. Regarding public health, modern public health is socialist- face the facts. It uses large data analysis to seek the utilitarian goal of the greatest good for the greatest number. That is the essence of the modern public health enterprise. It is based not on equality of opportunity for health, and I'm speaking now of the Make America Healthy Movement. It is based not on an equality of opportunity to optimized individual health, but rather an equality of outcomes. This is socialism. We have to get away from that. Maximizing and harmonizing the average health of the population using a top-down authoritarian model is not the way to improve public health. A focus on disease rather than promotion of health is not how we get to becoming more healthy nation states. America looks to Europe in terms of its food supply because many of the things that are banned in Europe are accepted in the United States. So I think that we can look in America to European leadership, particularly Italian leadership in terms of the purity in health of food, and we can refocus our efforts in the NIH and the whole Health and Human Services enterprise. This is Bobby Kennedy's core message- an emphasis on promotion of health, not of treatment of disease. It's a fundamental shift.
(20:59):
This public health enterprise is not consistent with individual autonomy. In the principle of subsidiarity, public health has become antagonistic to traditional medicine. It's overtaken traditional medicine. In the United States, traditional medicine has been based on the physician patient relationship. If we're to respect libertarian logic applied to health, we need to extend respect to individuals to make their own health decisions while ensuring that those individuals have access to the information they need to make their own informed health decisions. This is what is demanded by the principle of subsidiarity when applied to health, not top down public health socialism, but bottom up respect of the rights of individuals to control their health. Some people will make bad decisions and we have to be okay with that. In conclusion, to make Europe and America great, in my opinion, we must allow freedom of expression of thought and speech. We must enable and incentivize innovation. We cannot solve the problems confronting humanity without rewarding and enabling innovators.
Thank you for your attention. I hope this was helpful.
